Career Counseling and Life Planning With Lesbian Women

CHERYL HETHERINGTON and ANN ORZEK

The psychological development and "coming out" process of lesbian women are examined with regard to career planning. The interaction of these issues with a model of lesbian identity provides a framework for career counselors who work with individuals or lesbian couples.

reud contended that the basic requirements of human existence are love and work. For women who are blending a lesbian life-style and a career, there are particular considerations that need to be examined before these requirements can be met. Both the "coming out" process and career planning entail various stages, neither of which follows a precise timetable for duration or age appropriateness. As they proceed through the career decision-making process, lesbian women may be influenced by different environmental, social, and intrapsychic factors than are heterosexual women. The purpose of this article is to examine how the psychological development and "coming out" process of lesbian women affect their career choices. The issues of dual careers and the implications of these concerns for counselors will also be discussed.

Despite the stereotypes held by the general public concerning vocational choices of lesbian women, few empirical studies have focused on their career decision-making process. Etringer, Hetherington, and Hillerbrand (in press) surveyed lesbian, gay, and heterosexual college students on career decision making. Lesbian women showed the least amount of uncertainty, but lesbian women and heterosexual men were the most satisfied with their career choices. The reality of earning a living may be more apparent to lesbian women than to heterosexual women in college; thus, without the benefit of a possible male wage earner, lesbian women must be more seriously committed to work. Lesbian women may need to be more aware of their earning power than are heterosexual women, because it is likely that they will support themselves alone or with another woman. They will be unable to rely on the earning power of a man and men, on the average, earn 64% more than women do. In a study conducted by Sang (1977), those women who identified themselves as lesbians in adulthood assumed that they would be self-supporting from an early age. As a result, they may have chosen male-dominated careers in order to be more self-supportive.

GENDER AND CAREER

Gender may be more significant than sexual orientation in explaining differences in career choice and life planning. Harren, Kass, Tinsley, and Moreland (1979) found that the "most influential predictor of gender-dominated choices is gender" (p. 232). Yet lesbian women may be affected differently than are heterosexual women by sex-role attitudes that have been found to be a powerful decision-making influence in the career arena.

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Sex-role differences have been suggested between lesbian and heterosexual women (i.e., lesbian women endorse more sex roles typical of men than do heterosexual women [Palmer, 1981]). These findings have suggested possible differences in career decision-making processes and factors between lesbian and heterosexual women.

To understand these differences better, it is necessary to examine the psychological development of women in general. In exploring female psychology, it helps to understand the process of socialization. Gilligan (1982) identified differences in the psychological development between men and women. She argued that, for women, self-image is reflected through interpersonal processes during conflict resolution. Women are taught to be unassertive, other-oriented, and caretaking. They are caught in a conflict between behaving in gender-appropriate ways or being gender inappropriate in the interest of forming a positive self-image (Ballou & Gabalac, 1985; Bernard, 1975; Foxley, 1979; Gilligan, 1982). The bind, therefore, is that to be gender appropriate, women must behave in ways identified with a one-down status; accepting that status makes the development of a positive self-image difficult, if not impossible.

Lesbian women do not escape the female socialization process that trains them to be passive, dependent, and other oriented (Bell & Martin, 1978). But the gender inappropriateness of their sexual orientation forces them to consider additional issues when resolving this conflict. For lesbian women, positive self-image cannot come only from gender appropriateness; instead, it may need to involve a positive valuing of gender inappropriateness if they are to value their lesbianism (Wolfe & Stanley, 1980). In the process of incorporating lesbianism into self-image, lesbian women may suffer from gender confusion and isolation because of their awareness of being different from other women in some fundamental way (Vargo, 1987).

Lesbian women come to terms with internalized and externally encountered homophobia in the process of creating a positive self-image, as well as resolving the double bind that all women face: being female and being perceived as less psychologically healthy than men (Broverman, Broverman, Clarkson, Rosenkrantz, & Vogel, 1970). There is much to be learned about the effect of lesbianism on the development of self-esteem. Peplau, Cochran, Rook, and Padesky (1978) suggested that lesbians construct self-images differently than do heterosexual women. It is possible that the interplay between lesbianism and the development of self-esteem can affect the ease or difficulty with which a positive self-image can be achieved.

Two important components of the career development process are self-concept and exposure to role models. These are

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strongly affected by the development of a lesbian identity. Fitzgerald and Betz (1983) noted the importance of self and self-esteem in career decision making. Greater self-confidence has been associated with stronger career orientation in women (Betz & Fitzgerald, 1987). Persons with stronger self-concepts are also more likely to make their actual choices consistent with early aspirations (Ridgeway & Jacobsen, 1979).

Exposure to role models has been noted as an important factor in career choice (Brown, Aldrich, & Hall, 1978; Douvan, 1976). Girls or women at early stages of lesbian identity may have limited exposure to lesbian role models who would assist in the career development process. The lack of effective models may discourage lesbian women from entering certain professions. In addition, without examples of lesbian women who can successfully perform in a variety of jobs, stereotypes persist.

As with all women in nontraditional work, sexual harassment and compensation discrimination are factors inhibiting vocational adjustment (Crites, 1979). Lesbian women, however, are especially vulnerable to negative repercussions because of their sexual orientation. As a result, a lesbian woman may be drawn to a particular profession because she perceives tolerance for her sexual identity. This may be based on the number of lesbian women in the profession and the perceived ease of advancement through the ranks. Consequently, certain professions may become associated with a lesbian life-style. In contrast, this may discourage some lesbian women from entering these professions because of their fear of being stereotyped or because of their own homophobia.

DEVELOPMENT OF LESBIAN IDENTITY

Sophie (1985/1986) has developed a four-stage theory of lesbian development, in which specific predictions may be made with caution. In examining these stages, it can be noted that development may not be a linear process. Unique personality characteristics, environments, and family background affect individual development. These stages are presented as a guideline for a typical progression; however, this progression does not necessarily develop in an orderly manner.

Stage 1, Self-Awareness, often includes an awareness of the relevance of lesbianism for oneself before contact is made with other lesbian women. Exposure provides an important element in the awareness of personal feelings. No disclosure of one's attractions to other women occurs at this stage, especially to heterosexuals. Alienation from oneself and from others is common at this stage. Many women use denial of their lesbianism as a means to avoid the social stigma associated with a lesbian identity (Sophie, 1982). For example, a woman may avoid any contact with women's center programs. If a client does tell a counselor of her attraction to another woman, the counselor can provide her with resources (i.e., lesbian organizations, mail order or local bookstores, lesbian religious groups, and hotlines).

Stage 2, Testing and Exploration, includes several possible actions. Testing another's acceptance of one's sexual orientation generally occurs before identity acceptance. of one's sexual orientation generally occurs before identity acceptance. A woman may seek the lesbian community at this stage. Because there is still extremely limited disclosure to heterosexuals, alienation from heterosexuals occurs. Groves and Ventura (1983) noted that "women commonly become involved in a committed love relationship with another woman prior to accepting themselves as lesbians" (p. 147). This relationship may serve as a catalyst to lesbian self-identification (Cronin, 1974;

Career and Life Planning With Lesbian Women Ventura, 1981). For example, a student may take a women's studies class or join an athletic team that has "out" lesbians.

At Stage 3, Acceptance of Lesbian Identity, three points are identified: (a) There is a preference for lesbian social interaction; (b) negative identity precedes a positive identity as a lesbian; and (c) often limited or no disclosure to heterosexuals continues at this stage. At this point, women who believe they are lesbians will probably not tell career counselors about their orientation but may seek women's music concerts or festivals.

Stage 4, Identity Integration, occurs when the individual not only accepts a lesbian identity but also integrates this identity with other aspects of her identity in a positive context. At the beginning of this stage, women dichotomize the world into gay and straight parts and evidence anger at heterosexual people and pride in their lesbian identity. Although some individuals disclose their identity earlier, increased disclosure is common during this stage. Identity stability begins, whereby the individual becomes unwilling to change. At this point, many women have made a commitment to a lesbian identity, have been very involved in the lesbian world, and have removed themselves from heterosexual social interactions to some degree.

Sophie (1985/1986) hypothesized that lesbian women who are approaching the stage of identity integration are faced with many difficulties. On the one hand, lesbian women are pulled to integrate with the broader heterosexual community. On the other hand, lesbian women experience a desire to separate from the community at large and identify primarily or exclusively with the gay community. Either choice involves costs that are not often present for heterosexual women. To separate from the community at large can mean a restriction of those activities, contacts, and opportunities that are vital to career development. But the option of integration allows greater latitude for career development, diminishes the support received from the lesbian community, and exposes the individual to the negative reactions, prejudice, and stereotypes of the heterosexual community. These stereotypes will be examined next.

NEGATIVE STEREOTYPES

Special groups are often the victims of negative stereotypes that restrict the perception of viable options of a group. Panek, Rush, and Greenawalt (1977) found that college students classified certain occupations as male or female. For example, of the 25 occupations investigated, 8 occupations were perceived as male occupations (i.e., lawyer, city planner, police officer, mail carrier, truck driver, banker, baker, and office manager), whereas 6 occupations were classified as female occupations (i.e., elementary school teacher, dietitian, social worker, typist, librarian, and nurse).

To further investigate the meaning of classifications, O'Connor (1982) examined occupational clusters on the basis of social attributes perceived to be associated with the individual occupations. The attributes included prestige and power, the complexity of the task, the amount of strength required, and the gentleness associated with particular occupations. She found that none of the female clusters are rated high on either prestige, power, or complexity, and seem to be differentiated from each other primarily with respect to ratings on gentleness and strength. Women in general experience stereotypical expectations by peers that can be quite restrictive and limiting in their goal orientation in career planning (Betz & Fitzgerald, 1987).

Further stereotypical attitudes regarding lesbian women were demonstrated when Botkin and Daly (1987) asked a

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